Corruption and Democratisation (Commonwealth and Comprative Politics)
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Mauro, P. Moody-Stuart, George. Murphy, Kevin M. Noonan, John T. Nye, J. Perry, Peter John. Pieth, Mark.
Comparative Politics of Australia and New Zealand - Political Science - Oxford Bibliographies
International Efforts to Combat Corruption, Basel. Posner, Richard A. Journal of Political Economy 83 4 : Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi. Riley, Stephen P. Robertson, K. Martin's Press, Rose-Ackerman, Susan. The Political Economy of Corruption. New York: Academic Press.
Edited by Kimberly Ann Elliot.
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Washington: The Institute for International Economics. Sandholtz, W. Schleifer, Andrei and Robert W. Stanbury, William T. Maslowe Ed. Tanzi, Vito. For instance, although the existing authoritarian regimes in that region have extensively used patronage ties to maintain their grip, the same ties also seem to have inadvertently encouraged many political Islamist movements to remain attached to using political means and not any forms of violence to promote their goals. On a larger scale, the study attempts to bring together two regions that are rarely discussed within a comparative framework to contribute to the literature on democratization, or its absence.
Investigations of the cultural heritage: challenges and perspectives. Bulgarian E-Journal of Archaeology, Suppl. This volume includes Proceedings of the second postgraduate conference, Sofia, It is important for global archaeology since very clearly demonstrates the crisis of archaeology in Bulgaria and provides evidence of this It is important for global archaeology since very clearly demonstrates the crisis of archaeology in Bulgaria and provides evidence of this crisis in a very unblemished manner: 1. The first two editors of the post-graduate publication, Maria Gurova listed as main editor and Tatiana Stefanova do not have any published monograph.
However, in science the continuity is based on personal example. Social media also documents the Maria Gurova's behavior. The volume has been attempting to make the smooth bridge between the communist regime archaeology and post which results in a series of authors' failures: continuing of the communist tradition to replicate science instead producing science; publication of new material in a popular way although in a scholarly journal, and absence of a strong critical view on science, in particular. The work by Stoyan Dechev on the old Bulgarian fountains is in a typical ethnographic method, but touches contemporary archaeology.
The work by Milena Mitova et al.
http://theranchhands.com/images/story/dreaming-and-thinking-the-psychoanalytic-ideas-series.php This study was designed to investigate the relationship between the attributes of transformational leadership; charisma, individualized consideration and intellectual stimulation, and the perception of corruption in the Nigeria police This study was designed to investigate the relationship between the attributes of transformational leadership; charisma, individualized consideration and intellectual stimulation, and the perception of corruption in the Nigeria police force.
By using quantitative methodological approach to examine these dimensions, data was collected by administering questionnaires on respondents. Descriptive, correlation and regression analyses were expended in the examination and the result showed that while transformational leadership practices is perceived to be high in the Nigeria police force, the perceived level of corruption remained high too.
Charisma and intellectual stimulation consistently have positive influence on corruption. Though in varying degree, the results indicate a correlation between the three attributes of transformational leadership and the dimensions of corruption. These findings were discussed in the specific contexts of transformational leadership theory, organizational practices and police corruption, while its practical implications for organizational development, police reform and crusade against police corruption in the Nigeria police were underscored.
The countries of the Commonwealth Caribbean are all self-governing, determining their own futures.
But some 40 years after gaining independence from Britain, the question remains whether these countries are truly democratic and whether But some 40 years after gaining independence from Britain, the question remains whether these countries are truly democratic and whether the parliamentary and electoral systems adopted, are well suited to the Caribbean experience. Meighoo and Jamadar answer these questions in the negative. A true democracy, they argue, is one where the Legislature has the authority and the strength to make the Executive effectively accountable and responsible to it and where the electoral system results in the true practical separation of the Legislature and the Executive.
Using Trinidad and Tobago as the model, Democracy and Constitution Reform in Trinidad and Tobago offers an overview of the constitutional reform process in the Commonwealth Caribbean. In these young, postcolonial democracies, where party politics have had a negative impact on the process of democratic reform, the authors review the historical, political and cultural motivations that have spawned the most recent debates on constitutional reform; and more particularly on the proposals for parliamentary and electoral reform.
The president prefers to work through informal networks of patronage and clientele networks to run government.
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These networks are generously rewarded Such meetings are alleged to be aimed at compromising them politically using material rewards and promises. A related example is the Entandikwa micro-credit scheme which was initiated by the NRM government in preparation for the elections. The LC structure was largely dominated by NRM-leaning councilors who passed on these funds to their supporters The above examples and other forms of neo-patrimonialism have been used by Museveni to build a support base that has been crucial for his personal entrenchment in power.
There are three main explanations for donor indifference. The first explanation is because the NRM government successfully implemented donor-sponsored economic reforms and has been showcased by donors as a star performer and model for other post-conflict African states. Besides, donors having injected substantial aid to Uganda, were hesitant to portray their experiment as a failure.
In other words, donors could not afford to disown their successful experiment. They believed, perhaps unwittingly, that with more reforms and some little pressure the regime would gradually democratize. He pursued a deceptive approach where his government slowly put in place formal democratic institutions and processes. Yet, these institutions and processes were for symbolic purposes since they were never given the necessary power to function effectively. Instead, President Museveni continued to rely on neo-patrimonialism that involves working through informal channels as opposed to mainstream formal institutions and processes.
Many of the regional states such as Burundi, Rwanda, Congo and Sudan were engulfed in civil wars while Kenya was also experiencing intermittent civil strife especially in the rift valley area, which eventually exploded after the elections. The fact that the Uganda government was an oasis of relative stability in a region torn by conflict and its president being an ally of the West, convinced donors to opt for a softer approach.
Nonetheless, these institutions have ended up being used for propaganda purposes. They have not been enabled to perform their duties independently. It implies that people will no longer choose their leaders on merit. Besides, it is most likely to institutionalize corruption in government. Public officials who win elections through bribery will increasingly resort to corrupt behaviour in order to recoup what was invested in politics as well as accumulate more resources in preparation for future elections.
This is because as avenues for peaceful political engagements get closed, people who yearn for democratic change could resort to violent means to change government. In other words, as democratic avenues get closed, the possibility of coups, terrorism and guerrilla wars become the option. In the interest of stability, development and continuity, the political transition to democratic rule should not be sacrificed for personal interests.
Rather than use national resources for priority development programmes, they are instead wasted on rewarding loyalty, buying off opposition, bribing voters and investing in forces of coercion. It is evident that the NRM regime has opportunistically wasted scarce resources on forces of coercion and a blotted administrative apparatus to accommodate political supporters to the disadvantage of development. Despite calls by domestic and external forces to reduce the size of government, Museveni has ignored them because he is well aware that patronage politics necessitates such sacrifice.
Instead, underlying the pseudo democratic reforms has been political manipulations, patronage and neo-patrimonial politics. The sponsors of these reforms are partly responsible for this negative development because they have portrayed double standards, especially where their actions have been overridden by their selfish national interests.
In the case of Uganda, although the NRM frequently claims to have created the necessary conditions for democratization such as having the relevant laws, institutions and practices in place, it is still questionable whether this symbolism can be equated with democratization. It is not only a matter of having the formal-legal democratic institutions and processes in place, but these must be empowered and must be seen to function effectively.
Besides, a conducive democratic climate must be guaranteed. Such an environment includes, but is not limited, to having fair and effective laws and institutions but also tolerance of divergent political views, political accountability, fairness of play and respect for each other. Given the absence of these important political principles, the democratization process in Uganda is at the crossroads.
Apter, David E. Kampala: World Bank Commissioned Report. Bayart, Jean-Francois London: Longman. Bwengye, Francis A. London: Regency Press Ltd. Callaghy, T. London: Macmillan.
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Cammack, Dianna Ddungu, Expedit Working Paper 4. Kampala: Centre for Basic Research. Hauser, Ellen Huntington, Samuel P. Plattner eds. Joseph, Richard Karugire, Samwiri R.